4/21/2020 Aaron Copland At The River Pdf Merge
This composition for Piano & Vocal includes 3 page(s). It is performed by Aaron Copland. The style of the score is 'Classical'. Catalog SKU number of the notation is 93293.
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Copland (Aaron), Song Texts & Translations, Share: By Individual Song. At the River, from Old American. Visit Aaron Copland's profile, and check out his catalogue of songs, on the Song of America website! We’ll gather by the river, The beautiful, the beautiful river, Gather with the saints by the river.
This score was originally published in the key of F. Authors/composers of this song: Arranged by AARON COPLAND. This score was first released on Thursday 1st January, 1970 and was last updated on Thursday 1st January, 1970. The arrangement code for the composition is. Minimum required purchase quantity for these notes is 1.
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. 1 Gail Levin, 'Aaron Copland’s America: A Cultural Perspective,' Gail Levin and Judith Tick, Aaron C. 2 Exemplarily see Larry Ceplair and Steven Englund, The Inquisition in Hollywood: Politics in the Fi. 3 See Robby Lieberman, 'My Song is My Weapon': People’s Songs, American Communism, and the Politics1In 1951, painter Ben Shahn’s Composition with Clarinets and Tin Horn combined political and musical imagery when, behind prison bars made up of vertically positioned instruments, one sees a man clutching his hands in front of an invisible face desperate about an unnamed catastrophe.
Gail Levin, in her study on composer Aaron Copland, writes that the 'horizontal red band and flames imply the turmoil caused by Senator Joseph R. McCarthy and others in their witch hunts to uncover Communists during the Cold War.' When Shahn focused on music, he addressed an aspect of McCarthyism less prominent than its impacts on Hollywood and on academic life. Whereas most of the existing analyses on music concentrate on its 'vernacular' types, like popular, folk, and film music, the little discussed field of opera is the subject of the present paper. 6 Richard Gid Powers, Not Without Honor: A History of American Anticommunism (New York: Free Press,. 7 Powers 236. 8 Among many others, see Irving Louis Horowitz, 'Culture, Politics, and McCarthyism,' The Independen.
9 See, for example, Brenda Murphy, Congressional Theatre: Dramatizing McCarthyism on Stage, Film, and3Although clustered around national figures like McCarthy or J. Edgar Hoover, and coordinated efforts such as those of the American Legion, McCarthyism worked through a vast network of accusers, who—often independent of each other—were linked rather ideologically than organizationally. When Hoover stated that Communism was 'secularism on the march,' also religion became a fighting ground. HUAC-activities set out 'to expose Communist infiltration in the labor movement, cultural institutions, and the entertainment industry' to an extent that even a supporter of its general aims like Richard Gid Powers finds that at its peak McCarthyism 'would wreak havoc on American political civility.' Methodically, it worked by public allegation in a ritualized form ('naming names'). The 'Red Scare' functioned on three levels: legally, one could be subpoenaed; personally, one could be exposed as a public enemy in the media and professionally, one might lose one’s job and be banished from one’s profession by being blacklisted in publications specializing in outing leftists, like Red Channels or Counterattack.
Its wounds have in no way healed over the decades. In the social sciences generations later the topic is highly controversial, and cultural historians still find it a pressing subject.
Also novelist Philip Roth, in his I Married a Communist (1998), takes up the oppressive mood rendered by Ben Shahn, when he has a wife inform on her Communist husband to save the career of her daughter, an emerging concert harp player. 10 Philip Roth, I Married a Communist (1998; New York: Vintage International, 1999) 264.To me it seems likely that more acts of personal betrayal were tellingly perpetrated in America in the decade after the war—say, between ‘46 and ‘56—than in any other period in our history. This nasty thing that Eve Frame did was typical of lots of nasty things people did in those years, either because they had to or because they felt they had to. Eve’s behavior fell well within the routine informer practices of the era.
12 See Joseph McLaren, Langston Hughes: Folk Dramatist in the Protest Tradition, 1921-1943 (Westport:7Still’s anti-communist hysteria is somewhat pathological. Troubled Island was based on a play by Langston Hughes, who also wrote the libretto. An independent left-winger, Hughes himself became a victim of McCarthy. His Troubled Island, or 'Emperor of Haiti: An Historical Drama,' was first drafted in 1928 and completed in 1936. Promoting Pan-Africanism, it deals with the complexities of the Haitian Revolution between 1791 and 1804 and depicts three revolutionaries: Toussaint L’Ouverture, the leader of the Revolution, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, one of his “field commanders,” and Henri Christophe, who succeeded L’Ouverture in 1803.
Dessalines impersonates the corruption of the Revolution. The play renders the tensions between a literate mulatto elite (like L’Ouverture), traitors like Dessalines, and the illiterate Africans.
The play’s message extended to the difficult postcolonial situation in the newly freed Haiti of the 20th century. As Dessalines is not only a cruel ruler but also unfaithful to his wife, he signifies the failure of revolutionary ideals as well as misguided love. 13 See Catherine Parsons Smith, '‘Harlem Renaissance Man’ Revisited: The Politics of Race and Class i8Still wrote his opera in the 1930s and revised it in 1941, but it took him eight years to get it performed.
To what an extent the changes of 1941 were politically motivated is difficult to trace, but over the years Still had become ever more patriotic. For his opera’s dying scene he restored the love between Dessalines and his wife, making it possible to revoke the former revolutionary’s political ideology for the sake of love for his spouse.
This depoliticization does not in itself constitute support of McCarthyism, but Still’s hysterical anti-Communism made him ascribe the lack of success of the opera to Communist influences, to the workings of dark forces of evil. The Communists disliked the idea of love, he assumed: was it not the CP which exploited racist violence in the USA to use it as a tool to implant a foreign political ideology in America? More than of the present conditions in the USA, Blacks ought to be afraid of Communist subversion.
20 Martin Bauml Duberman, Paul Robeson (New York: Knopf, 1988) 193. 21 Duberman 111, 317-21, 388-90. 22 Victor S. Navasky, Naming Names (London: Calder, 1982) 186-89.12In their attacks on the left and on liberalism, both Nabokov and Still also turned on singers.
With Paul Robeson, Still exposed a fellow Black, undermining his claim that race was the main question. Robeson was not new to opera. In a 1928 production of Gershwin’s Porgy and Bess he had sung the part of Crown, and in a 1934 production he was Porgy. Conscious of his limited voice, he turned down other offers to sing in operas. In 1935 he declined the role of Mephisto in a film version of Gounod’s opera Faust, and in 1939 he decided not to sing in Kurt Weill and Maxwell Anderson’s Ulysses Africanus. Had he tried to resume an operatic career after World War II, this would have been made impossible nationally by a vast public campaign against him and internationally by the withdrawal of his passport. As a result his income of $104,000 in 1947 dwindled to $2,000 in 1950.
23 Saunders 118. 24 See Dizikes 500 and Allan Keiler, Marian Anderson: A Singer’s Journey (New York: Scribner, 2000) 2. 25 Navasky 192.13Less exposed singers felt the pressure as well. Nabokov claimed that for political reasons he made the career of Leontyne Price. Promoting Price both meant to incorporate her into a strictly anti-Communist setting and to keep complete control: “Nabokov later boasted to Arthur Schlesinger: ‘I started her career and because of this she has always been willing to do things for me which she couldn’t do for anyone else.’ “ In particular she was important because as an African-American she factually proved that American racism was not as bad as the Russians said it was.
Other Black singers served that purpose, too, and how they had to adapt in order to survive in the operatic world is highlighted by Marian Anderson. In the 1930s her sister Alyse had been politically active on behalf of the Democratic Party and in support of Roosevelt, and Marian had toured the Soviet Union.
John Dizikes interprets her decision in the 1950s to keep away from political partisanship as a move in order to secure her success. Like fellow singer Lena Horne, who was banned from the popular Ed Sullivan Show for alleged left-wing contacts, she had to save her career by making her peace with the circumstances quietly.
26 Robinson 77-78. 27 Robinson 216-17. 28 Robinson 250, 261. 29 Robinson 234-40.14McCarthyism did not blank out left-wing opera, but by the early 1950s there were only few composers to openly promote a working-class perspective. Among them was Earl Robinson, whose Sandhog (1954) was based on Theodore Dreiser’s short story “St.
Columba and the River” (1927). By the end of his life, Dreiser had decided to support the Communist Party, but died in 1945. Robinson left the Party only in the 1960s.
He was among the first musicians to learn of the coming of McCarthyism. As early as 1939, in an attack on the New Deal’s Federal Theater Project, he ran into conflict with the Dies Committee for the show Sing For Your Supper, a left-wing musical history of the USA. His Red Channels entry was two pages long. As late as the 1990s he remembers that during the 1950s he not only lost one job with a children’s choir but on all levels suffered a dwindling income and even considered changing his name. Between 1952 and 1958 he was denied a passport, and in 1957, at a time when he was slowly finding his distance to the Communist Party, he was subpoenaed to public HUAC-hearings.
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In the context of the opera, the main effect McCarthyism had was that it created problems about financing and producing it. Although Sandhog aimed at a cooperation with unions, when the show ran off-Broadway for six weeks in 1954, these were scared out of support through ongoing attacks in magazines such as Counterattack.15The opera deals with the building of Hoboken Bridge and the workers who lost their lives in constructing this masterwork of labor. Yet when the bridge is opened, this toll is neglected. In accordance with popular front tactics, Robinson refered to Sandhog alternatively as 'a workers’ opera,' a 'folk opera,' or a 'musical,' as folk influences characterize multiple ethnic backgrounds. Its main themes are the workers’ pride in their jobs and in themselves, the creation of a united working class, and revolutionary optimism. The final number is a positive statement of solidarity quite in the vein of an Americanized socialist realism. 30 Norman Podhoretz, Ex-Friends: Falling Out With Allen Ginsberg, Lionel and Diana Trilling, Lillian16Robinson and his opera are all but forgotten today, but author Lillian Hellman still is one of the most disputed protagonists of the debates about McCarthyism—so much disputed that her former leftist ally turned 'friendly witness' Norman Podhoretz as recently as the late 1990s sheds his disgust on her.
Hellman, to him, remained 'an unreconstructed Stalinist.' HUAC, he writes, was right in attacking her 'un-American ideas,' as 'the position I called anti-American was one that denounced the entire American system itself as illegitimate and openly and frankly opposed everything the United States was doing everywhere in the world.'
Above all, she was an opportunist: 'In the 1930s, being a Communist did Lillian no harm. If anything, it worked to her advantage in the big-money Broadway-Hollywood world in which she was making her career as a writer and where her views were almost universally shared.
Later, with the onset of the cold war and the turning of the tide, her Stalinist political views did wind up costing her something—not nearly so much as she liked to claim, but enough to frighten her into pretending that she had given them up.' Yet unlike what Podhoretz’s claim suggests, Hellman never wrote her dramas as propaganda pieces but as psychological and social analyses.
The difference becomes obvious in the transition of her play The Little Foxes (1939) to the prime example of post-war socialist opera, Marc Blitzstein’s Regina (1949). Gordon, Mark the Music: The Life and Work of Marc Blitzstein (New York: St. Martin’s, 1989. 32 Gordon 440-42. 33 Gordon 374.17Longer than most of his former comrades, and ten years more than Hellman, Blitzstein stayed in the Communist Party. And he left without giving up his political orientation.
As translator and impresario, he was largely responsible for adapting Brecht’s and Weill’s Threepenny Opera (newly set in 1870s New York) to the American stage—quite an impressive feat in the 1950s after its lack of success in the 1930s. Like Robinson, Blitzstein was among the first musicians to attract the attention of Red-baiters; the FBI recorded his activities as early as November 1940.
In a long entry to Red Channels his political history was documented, yet he was subpoenaed only in 1958 and his public hearing at the now weakened Committee was finally cancelled. At least in detail, also Blitzstein could not avoid reacting to the self-censorial mood of the time, such as when producer Carmen Capalbo intervened with his text of the Threepenny Opera—if only for one word: 'In the final ‘Death Message’ where Blitzstein had written, ‘May heavy hammers hit their faces,’ Capalbo suggested ‘hatchets’ to avoid the hammer and sickle imagery. Marc agreed.' . 34 See Fried 138-39.18Blitzstein’s seminal The Cradle Will Rock (1936), a dramatic show to incite the working classes to stand together, was revived at the New York City Center in 1960, showing how far the anti-left impetus of the 1950s had degenerated.
Proving that McCarthyism was not to break him, the early production history of his Regina covers the Red Scare era in full. His major opera was conceived at the time of the ordeals of the Hollywood Ten. After a short run on Broadway in 1949 it was revived there in 1953 and 1958.
And to emphasize its context, in 1952, just a few days after her outspoken response to McCarthy’s questioning, in a concert performance Hellman acted as its narrator. 37 Quoted from the booklet of the CD version of Regina (Decca/London) 70 and 76.The falling of friendly rain.It serves the earth,then moves again.The nourishing rain.Some people eat all the earth,Some people stand aroundand watch while they eat.And watch while they eat the earth.Now rain. Consider the rain.As an ensemble this is an act of growing opposition to present conditions and a collective statement of solidarity, set to a gentle tune and a light tempo and underscored by the orchestra’s imitating slight precipitation.
Emphasis is on enjoying company, in contrast to rugged individualism. The classes brought together here are not those a Marxist might find realistic, with its idiosyncratic combination of a residual aristocratic class (her husband Horace and sister-in-law Birdie), Alexandra (who refuses to take part in exploiting men and nature) and an emergent working class (ex-slave Addie), but as a kind of 'united front' they are set against a capitalism that devours the individual. Also the idea of blending antagonistic class interests in the ecological metaphor of productive rain is far from a Marxist interpretation of the class struggle. It rather plays on the mock-Marxist assumption that history is an inevitable process, like nature. Blitzstein makes a statement here that a future is possible for those who oppose capitalist ways. Through a combination of old operatic material, like arias, typically American hymn-like tunes and salon music, and African-American elements like jazz, blues and ragtime, the 'popular front' aspect is also achieved musically.
40 Howard Pollack, Aaron Copland: The Life and Work of an Uncommon Man (New York: Holt, 1999) 271-87. 41 The case is documented in Aaron Copland and Vivian Perlis, Copland Since 1943 (New York: St. Marti.
42 Pollack 268.23Unlike Moore and Menotti, Aaron Copland was himself a victim of aggressive anti-Communism. Copland, always an active citizen but never a member of a party, shared the socialist tendencies of many of his contemporaries. The shock came when his patriotic Lincoln Portrait was removed from the inaugural concert for President Eisenhower because of his left-wing sympathies; ironically at HUAC activist Nixon’s presidential inauguration a few years later it was given. Copland’s books and music were withdrawn from public libraries.
He had difficulties in securing a passport, and lectures and conductor’s appearances were canceled. In the long run, his being called to testify before HUAC in 1952 was one reason for his withdrawing from composing, yet as a first response he wanted to compose an opera based on Arthur Miller’s The Crucible, and was accepted by its author. Nothing came of the project, and Robert Ward eventually set the play to music. 43 Copland and Perlis 218. 44 Copland and Perlis 202-03.
45 Copland and Perlis 219. See 205-26 for the background to the opera.24The opera he did write seemed to be much less topical. Thematically The Tender Land (1954) looks back to the 1930s, including the musical nationalism of the era. Its source was Walker Evans’ depiction of a Midwestern sharecropper mother and her daughter, reproduced in Evans’s and Philip Agee’s Let Us Now Praise Famous Men (1941). At first glance, Copland withdrew from the present, and in Copland Since 1943, co-written with the composer,biographer Vivian Perlis writes: 'Except for one moment in the plot, there is no trace of the bitter taste of the McCarthy hearing and its aftermath.'
What this one moment was, Perlis leaves open, yet obviously it is Grandpa Moss’s statement 'You’re guilty all the same,' an immediate reference to the logics of McCarthyism. Yet in the same book librettist Eric Johns, who used the pen name 'Horace Everett,' underlines the Red Scare as its wider context: 'Aaron had just been through the McCarthy business and we were definitely influenced by that.' . 46 Pollack 473.25The opera is not a populist attack on the fears and hopes of Midwesterners, and it is also unlikely that Copland wanted to characterize McCarthy’s personal background in a family of struggling Wisconsin farmers.
It stages a feeling of terror and confusion which many experienced in the 1950s. Two poor men looking for work on a Midwestern farm are taken for rapists, and although the inhabitants learn that these have been caught, the strangers are 'guilty all the same.'
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Daughter Laurie, just graduating from school, disagrees and becomes the personification of the gap between past optimism and present-day pessimism. Howard Pollack has located the break in Copland’s music between the hopes of the 1930s and contemporary intolerance not only in his general shift from an interest in social class to personality, but directly in Laurie’s and her unhappy boyfriend’s 'The Promise of Living,' an aria in the third act: 'For close to two decades, Copland’s work had emphasized communal solidarity or at least some kind of social accommodation; ‘The Promise of Living’ itself arguably constitutes a culmination of such idealism. But the promises are not fulfilled; the love scene is interrupted before its final resolution, and Laurie, ultimately, packs her bags and goes.' When Laurie breaks free of the constraints of her xenophobic, despotic environment, she takes a giant step towards physical and intellectual independence. She leaves behind the denial of liberty ever promised but never granted—if for an insecure future. 47 See Kim H.
Kowalke, 'The Two Weills and the Music of Street Scene,' Street Scene: A Sourcebook, ed. 48 'An Interview with Francesa Zambello,' Street Scene: A Sourcebook 54. 49 See Kowalke 62-63.
For Whitman’s impact on Weill see also Kim H. Kowalke, '‘I’m an American’: Whit26Already years before, Kurt Weill’s Street Scene (1946) had found a similarly oppressive setting in metropolitan New York and had also linked the visionary hopes of the early 1930s with the conservative post-war era. Although based on a 1929 play by Elmer Rice, Weill brings the plot close to his present.
The opera presents an outsiders’ view of America, as almost all of the roles in the opera are those of immigrants fighting for survival in and around a dilapidated New York tenement building. At a time marked by a fear of immigrants it is a declaration for the legal rights of these minorities: 'The only ‘American’ on the block is Mrs. Jones, and ironically, she is the ugliest, most bigoted character,' writes Francesa Zambello.
Into the love story at the heart of the opera he projects the utopian-socialist vision of Walt Whitman, who played a major role for all three collaborators, Rice, Weill and lyricist Langston Hughes. Set against this dream, the America that appears on stage is one of contemporary repression and failure. 50 See Larry Stempel, ' Street Scene and the Enigma of Broadway Opera,' A New Orpheus: Essays on Kurt27Weill tried to cater to two musical worlds at the same time.
On the one hand, he called the opera a 'dramatic musical' to emphasize the serious side of the work. This strain is condensed in the main action around the four main characters, to which he gives classically operatic treatment: Frank Maurrant kills his wife Anna for her having an extramarital affair, and their daughter Rose decides not to stay with poor Sam Kaplan but seek success on Broadway, giving up the only love she probably will find.
Around this core, on the other hand, Weill clusters side episodes mostly in popular formats, to mark ethnic variety. In these passages, like many a successful Broadway composer, he even had others orchestrate the tunes, as for the catchy jitterbug tune 'Moon-faced, starry-eyed.' 28The turmoil about the anti-Communist feelings of the time enters at a point which links the two musical worlds, as it brings together the main characters in what clearly is a side episode: When Sam’s father Abraham, a Jewish immigrant with a 1930s consciousness, argues that the 'kepitalist press' distorts reality and that a revolution is pending, chauvinistic Irishman Frank Maurrant falls into McCarthy-inspired violence. 51 Quoted from the booklet to the CD version of Kurt Weill, Street Scene: An American Opera (Decca) 6Kaplan: All dis is bourgeois propaganda to take the minds of de verkers from de kless struggle.Maurrant: All right, we heard enough.
You better lay off that Red talk, or you’re liable to get your head busted open.29In The Tender Land Laurie was forced away from her Midwestern home by a strong feeling of oppression. Here, in contemporary New York, a not too different Red-baiting mentality constitutes a major reason that Rose’s and Sam’s love is bound to fail and that Rose wants to leave her equally authoritarian environment.
Although McCarthyism is present as a mood, and the opposition to it is obvious, it is—like in Copland’s opera—hardly more than a side aspect. 56 Peyser 371.32At the height of McCarthyism, in 1952, Bernstein conducted the first concert performance of his friend Blitzstein’s adaptation of the Threepenny Opera. To an extent, even his popular musical West Side Story, based on Shakespeare and with lyrics by Stephen Sondheim, can be interpreted, like Joan Peyser does, as a reflection of 'leftist values, with its emphasis on oppressed youth in the United States.' Anti-Communist paranoia is ridiculed when Officer Krupke scolds one character for his 'Commie Grandma' and blames disorder on left-wing immigrants.
64 Peyser 371.47Hellman always called the music version a 'musical,' but if it was one, it did not go down too well with the general musical-going public. It was re-worked over and over again—which is the reason that the present analysis uses Hellman’s published text rather than other versions of the libretto. Her text had been close to Voltaire, but revisions cut up to three fourths of the original text.
Bernstein’s last approved version, of 1988, is relatively close to the Hellman libretto again. Hellman refused to acknowledge any of the cut versions and found the staging of the piece a most unpleasant experience. Although she blamed the wide range of co-operators for this, the conflict between Broadway and bitter satire is all too obvious. In Candide, Bernstein, Joan Peyser writes, 'was engaged in attacking McCarthy, thwarting Hellman, and distorting Voltaire’s message so that it is changed from a cynical one to the celebration of Bernstein’s own solution: love.' In spite of its past political intention, the historic reference is almost lost on today’s audiences. 65 On this opera see Rachel Hutchins-Viroux, 'The American Opera Boom of the 1950s and 1960s: History. 66 Carlisle Floyd, interview with Robert Wilder Blue.
67 See Fried 122-23. 68 Navasky 211-16.54Arthur Miller’s The Crucible (1953) predates Susannah. Like Hellman, Miller was a victim of McCarthy, and the play is to the present day the best-known dramatic synthesis of the events. Miller suffered in many ways from the Red Scare. Blacklisted in FBI publications like Red Channels, in 1954 he was denied a passport to attend a production of the play in Belgium, and in 1956 had to appear before HUAC. His taking the First Amendment ('Free Speech') could have sent him to jail in the heyday of the Committee, but in those latter days he got away with a penal fine and a suspended sentence in jail.55 The Crucible focuses on the distorted logic of HUAC—for example when Danforth’s double role as governor and judge, like that of the Committee, in effect breaches the division of powers provided by the American Constitution. Danforth’s defence of his decisions against better evidence undermines democratic legality: 'I cannot pardon these when twelve are already hanged for the same crime' and 'Reprieve or pardon must cast doubt upon the guilt of them that died till now.'
(Act III.) A wide range of secondary interests are involved, as various characters use the situation to further their own good, like Reverend Parris (who fights to keep his job with the parish), Abigail Williams (who fights to win John Proctor, the main character), Thomas Putnam (who tries to increase his property), and Governor Danforth (who uses it to quell social upheaval). Proctor, who is 'guilty' of a past sexual relationship with Abigail, is drawn into the public strife and accused of witchery.
In a direct reference to the HUAC procedures he refuses to acknowledge misdeeds unrelated to his 'crime' and to name the names of other 'witches.' Weaker characters, like young servant Mary Warren, are pressed to testify against him and to expose the names of others. Proctor ends up having at least his good name preserved for his children. 71 Thomas P. Adler, 'The Song and the Said: Literary Value in the Musical Dramas of Stephen Sondheim,.
72 James Fisher, 'Nixon’s America and Follies: Reappraising a Musical Theater Classic,' Stephen Sondh58Whether or not with the help of the Nabokovs of the 1950s, from the 1960s onwards American opera tended to be getting more abstract and independent from both indigenous American subjects and traditional musical styles. Notable among the exceptions to this trend—and at the same time part of it—was Stephen Sondheim, Bernstein’s collaborator for West Side Story.
An outstanding composer himself, he tried to bridge the gaps between avantgarde music and the popular musical in order to promote a more liberal and open-minded world view. In Anyone Can Whistle (1964) the main character Fay 'learns that the nonconformists are the strength of the world, that we must change the world to accommodate people and not vice versa!' More directly even, Sondheim’s Follies (1971) approaches the 1950s from the perspective of the 1970s and sees the McCarthy era as the collapse of America’s image of itself, as being less guilty than other nations. Typically, one of its characters evokes past HUAC subcommittee leader and future president Nixon’s 'brand of suspended ethics,' making, as James Fisher writes, 'a searing commentary on the American experiences in the middle of the twentieth century.' 59A similar re-evaluation of the effects of the Red Scare, in a scholarly context, was the purpose of the present discussion. Whereas in Ben Shahn’s painting, at the peak of McCarthyism, the suffering musician was faceless, not all contemporary musicians kept their silence and remained invisible.
In effect, this paper set out to remember not only the anonymous victims Shahn might have had in mind, but also those who spoke out and whose works, like Blitzstein’s, Weill’s, Floyd’s, and Ward’s, have a good chance of surviving into a time when the particular struggle against illiberality from which they originated will be just one more among numerous crises in American history. Auteur(Regensburg, Germany)Dr. Klaus-Dieter Gross’s research focuses on cross-references between literature, music, and painting in American culture, and on the pedagogy of intermedia learning.
Thesis, he dealt with parallels between realist novels and paintings. Of more recent interest is the interaction of pre-20th-century American visual and musical works. As to opera, he has published articles on the role of violence in American opera and on works by Joplin, Thomson, Blitzstein, and Ward.
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